The Need for Creating a Glossary

Yulia Ellyas and Anastasiia Omelianiuk from the Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary in conversation with Sandra Teitge

The Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary is a compilation of concepts from de- and post-colonial theories, featuring examples specific to the Ukrainian context. The first edition of this glossary will showcase 20 terms, each contributed by diverse Ukrainian researchers, writers and artists.

Sandra: How do you position your use of the term decolonial within the rather inflationary global usage of it?

Anastasiia: I often get comments that Ukrainian scholars and activists just ‘appropriate’ and ‘abuse’ decolonial conversation. These comments are usually not only mostly unwarranted, but also devastating to hear in light of the ongoing brutalities of Russian imperialism (and not only against Ukrainians). This is why it is crucial to understand that the discourse on the decolonization and postcoloniality of Ukraine predates 2022. Ukrainian scholars and diasporas have been exploring these themes for decades: Oksana Zabuzhko, Vitaliy Chernetsky, Marko Pavlyshyn, and Myroslav Shkandriy. And also Western academics like David Moore, Eva Thompson, and my favorite, Gayatri Spivak, have written on these topics.

The neglect and unpopularity of discussions about postcoloniality of victims of Russian imperialism stem from the enduring influence of Soviet and Russian propaganda. The USSR, self-proclaimed socialist, positioned itself as anti-capitalist and, by extension, anti-imperialist and anti-colonial. This narrative obscured the colonial dynamics within its own borders, leading to a disregard for the decolonial discourse surrounding Ukraine. Russian recognition of Russia’s colonial influence (both on Ukraine and on post-Soviet countries and republics of the federation) has never happened, and probably will not happen. Moreover, “our” coloniser, continuing the occupation, shamelessly reiterates the Soviet foreign policy of the “liberator”. 

Yuliia: From my perspective, the term “decolonial” is being used in various contexts globally, often straying from its original meaning. It’s frequently employed metaphorically, which can obscure the real issues, such as ongoing land occupations. Additionally, as Anastasiia already mentioned, how Russian propaganda has co-opted this language to bolster their narrative of anti-imperial resistance, echoing old Soviet propaganda themes of internationalism. It’s essential to recognize that modernity has impacted every corner of the globe, making it crucial to maintain clarity when discussing and applying terms like “decolonial.” To stay with the trouble and navigate these complexities is extremely important. I believe that Ukraine’s experiences have the potential to bring new propositions to the existing theories. Similarly to how much we have learned from scholars and artists from Central Asia, Madina Tlostanova and Botakoz Kassymbekova.

Sandra: Speaking from my personal, East German, background I completely agree with you with regards to using the term “(de)colonial” in the Eastern European and Post-Soviet context. After nearly 35 years of the so-called “reunification” of Germany it is also being increasingly used within the inner German discourse, especially when trying to explain recent election results or, more specifically, the rise of the populist (or extreme) right, the AfD, in the former East German states. Here, it is not Russia that is being targeted but West Germany, another major political, ideological, and economic player. Despite this difference, I think the important point here is that “(de)colonial” is and is being continued to be applied to recognize certain power relations and their effects on the “minors” within this constellation.

With this in mind, where do you position Ukraine within the postcolonial context? Do you consider it to be part of (Eastern) Europe and therefore also part of the Euro-centrist situation/ locale?

Anastasiia: This is an excellent question, one that could warrant a multiple-day conference to fully explore. I have two points to discuss. First, we must be cautious with seemingly simple terms like ‘post-Soviet,’ ‘post-socialist,’ and ‘Eastern European.’ While these categories can be useful, they are often vague and pose a significant threat to critical thinking through homogenization. In the post-colonial-as-post-socialist discourse, Ukraine, Belarus, Hungary, and former East Germany face fundamentally different geopolitical and cultural challenges. When discussing Eastern Europe, are we referring to the EU or the broader concept of Europe? Where do Kosovo and Bosnia stand in relation to Poland? Where does Hungary stand in relation to Ukraine? Critically and radically speaking, while we must unite against similar plights, there is no monolithic ‘Eastern Europe’ or ‘post-Soviet’ identity.

Second, it is crucial to recognize that Eurocentrism and a West-centric perspective are not confined to one’s location or identity. We often see individuals claiming to be decolonial scholars who base their work entirely on Butler or Foucault. People may invite ‘non-Western’ voices to Western institutions but facilitate such collaborations through hierarchical ‘westplaining.’ Although many (but not all, and this distinction is crucial) Ukrainians are phenomenologically European-looking, this does not necessarily mean they enjoy the privileges of Euro-US knowledge production. However, in their quest to seek protection from the ‘Eastern’ colonizer, Ukraine has developed a particular relationship with Western imperial powers. In the Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary, Maria Kardash explores Eurocentrism and the problem of Euromodernity. Kardash highlights the issue of Ukrainian society’s uncritical acceptance of the West as the driver of history and progress.

Sandra: Let’s take a look at her entry to the glossary, also to get a better idea of the glossary’s nature and tone. Kardash writes:

De/post-colonial theory criticizes the Eurocentric worldview for promoting distribution of the world’s resources in favor of the West and underestimating the importance of non-European cultures in global history. This opinion is particularly widespread in regions significantly affected by the European colonial project — Latin America, Africa, much of Asia. In the Ukrainian context, Eurocentrism is usually aligned with European integration: establishing strategic partnerships and strengthening connections with the European Union. Popular Ukrainian discourses are penetrated by the idea of a “European vector of development” as the only possible alternative to Moscow’s hegemony and “Ukraine’s return home” due to its geographical and historical ties [2]. It is interesting to note that such rhetoric is based, among other things, on Ukraine’s past as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which, from the perspective of the oppositional “Europe-Russia” dichotomy, is often presented as the “lesser evil” when compared with the Russian Empire [3]. The events of the past ten years (Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Donbas, and the full-scale invasion in 2022) confirm the polarity of the choice between Russia and Europe, firmly securing the plus sign to the latter in the public consciousness. Europe stands as the antipode of Russian terror and aggression, and serves as an embodiment of high moral qualities, personal freedoms, and democracy.

Due to this binary choice, Ukrainian society rarely questions the image of the West as a driver of history and progress. On the contrary, the idea of protecting “European values” finds its symbolic reflection in the “outpost of Europe” narrative, which, despite its racist tone, became especially popular in Ukraine after February 24th, 2022. In the framework of this idea, Ukraine is the last bastion of Western civilization, which defends not only its sovereignty and right to exist, but also the whole of Europe and its civilizational achievements (progress, enlightenment, democracy) from the invasion of the “Horde”, understood as a chaotic force that comes from the East and represents everything barbaric, despotic and backward, i.e. “Asian”. 

(https://decolonialglossary.com.ua/eurocentrism,-euromodernity-en)

Sandra: Nothing else needs to be added. Thank you. With this sense of, in this case, association with Western Europe, in mind, were you thinking about the glossary’s resonance and potential association within other contexts while you were designing it? Or was your focus solely Ukraine?

Anastasiia: Our glossary aims to kindle conversations among thinkers from varied backgrounds who are united by common world views and desires for mutual learning. I believe that the decolonization project is inherently transnational, collaborative, and plurivocal. Just as Ukrainian decolonization should be informed by diverse struggles for liberation worldwide, global decolonial conversations should include Ukrainian voices. I, personally, think that it will be crucial to invite other voices into our project—such as those from Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and various minorities of the Russian Federation who are fighting against Russia on the Ukrainian frontlines.

However, given our current limited resources, our focus is on consolidating Ukrainian decolonial and postcolonial thought. We need to do substantial work within Ukraine to prepare for nuanced and critical conversations about Ukraine on the global stage.

Sandra: Well, I had numerous moments of association when perusing the glossary, with the East German context, which is my background.  One example is the entry Mimicry:

According to the concept of the Indian researcher of postcoloniality Homi K. Bhabha, mimicry (from the ancient Greek mimeisthai — “to imitate”) is a process of adapting and imitating the culture of the coloniser by the colonised. It is by definition an ambivalent and unintentionally subversive process, since imitating is never ideal and is always characterized by deviant difference (here Bhabha borrows a concept from Jacques Lacan’s structural psychoanalysis). The phenomenon in question covers two processes marked by the word mimicry: merging with the environment in order to survive, and imitation in order to ridicule. Mimicry difference is most clearly manifested in the linguistic phenomenon of pidgins (in the context of Ukrainian (post)coloniality — in surzhyk [the Ukrainian-Russian pidgin used in certain regions of Ukraine. Trans.]), which, with its mocking undertones (mimicry bordering on mockery), enables speakers to unknowingly expose colonial power, thereby forming a hybrid identity.

I’m very interested in the notion of mimicry.

East German writer Jana Hensel points out in a conversation with (West) German social scientist in their book Die Gesellschaft der Anderen (Society of the Others) that “the principle of mimicry is what describes the behavior of East Germans in the 1990s. … and that the pan-European, anti-Islam, far-right extremist political movement Pegida (Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the West) is/ was the first movement to break with this permanent urge to be, to think, to speak like the West Germans … and therefore is/ was so successful in East Germany. The launch of a sort of emancipation movement.” (I’m partially paraphrasing.)

The glossary continues:

In order to prevent the latter, the coloniser resorts to Othering of the colonised, and presents the colonised culture as fundamentally different from his own. At the same time, Othering often primitivises, exoticises, romanticises (for example, the image of a noble savage), and represents the culture in parodic and other ways.

Again, this can be directly applied to the East–West German context. Sadly, it is now, after the recent elections, more timely than ever. I’m quoting again from the above mentioned book to illustrate the point you are making in your glossary with regards to othering the East German, the other German. In the early 1990s, a historian and political scientist, Klaus Schroeder, who teaches at Berlin’s FU (Free University) says about the East German: 

“Neglect, willingness to use violence and xenophobic attitudes were already more pronounced in the GDR before 1989 than in the Federal Republic,” he writes in an article for the Tagesspiegel. He attributes the neo-Nazi potential to the East German mothers’ full-time employment and the children’s early integration into state institutions (!)

In response to Schroeder’s remark, Hensel continues to say that:

“Being East German is a label that sticks to you and that you can’t get rid of, even if you try. You are always East German, even if you move to Hanover…Even if you become German Chancellor, the label remains. If Angela Merkel does something wrong, if she hesitates, shies away from taking risks, then she will quickly become the conformist East German again. It is always the same reflex: As soon as a problem arises in East Germany, it becomes an “East German” issue.”

So whilst you were focussing on the Ukranian context, the glossary does resonate in many directions, which is a compliment. And in terms of allyship, also outside of the (Western) European context, are you interested or perhaps already engaged in an exchange with other post-Soviet countries that have managed to build a very strong and vibrant cultural scene independent of Russia, such as Georgia? (Though they are currently in a very tricky situation as well, of course.)

Yuliia: The way we organized work on the first collection of terms we invited guests for our collective workshops with authors. Among them Tehmina Goskar, Botakoz Kyssembekova, Misho Antadze, and Maria Hlavajova. So this plurivarsalism Anastasiia is talking about was always part of our thinking in the way  we plan to work on the project. I was fortunate to work on this project during my fellowship at BAK, basis voor actuele kunst, alongside artists and thinkers from diverse backgrounds. The framework for this year’s fellowship program was Alignment/Nonalignment. The conversations we had with the fellows significantly shaped my understanding of how to position Ukraine’s case in the global anti-imperialist struggle, which often differs drastically from the bipolar world divide presented by mainstream media.

Sandra: That sounds like a perfect framework. What are your plans with the glossary? Are you thinking of expanding it?

Yuliia: From the moment of open call it was clear to us that we can not select all the applications to this project because of limited resources. We are committed to expanding the glossary continuously by introducing new terms that reflect ongoing research and evolving discussions in the field. Once we have established a robust collection of terms on our website, our next step would be to compile and publish a physical edition of the glossary.

Sandra: Wonderful. That will definitely increase its visibility.  With regards to selection, I’m sure it was a very difficult process for you, to choose some suggestions and reject others. I know this may be challenging to answer but I was wondering which terms didn’t make it into the glossary … but were close, on the shortlist so to speak?

Yuliia: We’ve received extraordinary applications with the suggestions of new terminology. For the format of our project, there is a specific word limit for the amount of material presented. Coining a new concept is a bit ambitious for this format. We are thinking about how to incorporate this in the future, because obviously, language is shaped by lived experiences. This time we have decided to focus on the analyses of the existing theories. 

Oh there were so many good applications. We received three applications from Zaporizhia National University, located in a region partially occupied. They have a collective of young teachers and a working group conducting research on changing toponyms in the city. In Ukraine, there is a law concerning the Condemnation and Prohibition of Propaganda of Russian Imperial Policy in Ukraine and the Decolonization of Toponymy. The applications were from linguists and historians. We are planning to collaborate with them in the future. Furthermore, we received numerous applications from very young researchers who are just beginning their careers as artists or researchers, currently pursuing their BA or MA in Ukraine. The enthusiasm of the younger generations is evident as they actively engage in discourse through organizing podcasts and reading groups. Last but not least, our fabulous translators, researchers Viktoriia Grivina and Galyna Kotliuk, submitted  work for the open call. But we decided to postpone their submissions for future editions. They are not only highly skilled professional translators but also actively involved in this topic within their own practices. We are delighted to have them as valuable members of our team and future glossary contributors.

Sandra: I would like to ask a rather delicate question that I feel is important to address critically and to explain to a non-Ukranian audience. How do you feel about the notion of nationalism with regards to the Ukrainian situation (also within the context of the European political situation in which nationalist populists are gaining more and more support)? 

Anastasiia: The question you pose is important, intricate and I would not dare to adequately address it in a brief format. First, we must think conceptually about liberation and nationalism, beyond the confines of Western imperial projects. What we term ‘nationalism’ in the Netherlands, Germany, Russia and the US differs fundamentally from what could be called ‘nationalism’ in Ukraine (or Belarus, Georgia, Siberia). It is not a matter of better or worse, but of fundamental difference. Second, it is perilous to narrowly define what it means to be Ukrainian. This land, burdened by centuries of imperial occupation, has been home to a mosaic of ethnicities and religions: Jewish, Crimean Tatars, Roma, Greek, Armenian, Georgian, and many others. The Ukrainian decolonial conversation must encompass all these perspectives, which is why we are so eager to expand our glossary.

Yuliia: There is a wealth of articles addressing this issue. I recommend checking the Errant journal‘s “Notes on a Revolution (or at least a hope)” where Asia Bezdrieva and Alevtina Kakhidze have written a comprehensive article on the topic. To summarize briefly, the article critiques the nation-state concept within the context of the former European empire. For these former empires, critiquing nation-states serves as both a coping mechanism and a means of taking responsibility for their colonial past. However, the context in Ukraine is vastly different. Here, establishing and maintaining sovereignty as a nation-state is a way to resist imperialism. It’s crucial to avoid universalism and instead examine each case with precision and attention. In Ukraine, people are targeted simply for being Ukrainian; there are filtration camps, and our children are subjected to abduction and Russian indoctrination.

Frequently, we encounter questions about this issue, and I wish those asking would show as much concern about Rashizm (Russian fascism) as they do about nationalists in Ukraine. Not to mention, that right wing movements never gained any significant power in Ukraine, unlike European countries, where we witness devastating results after European parliament elections. Moreover, labeling resistance and liberation movements as nationalist plays into Russian propaganda and aligns with the broader strategy of empires to undermine efforts of resistance. 

Sandra: Thank you for this honest and elaborate answer, which is very helpful in understanding the nuances of the Ukrainian situation. To end this conversation I would like to ask you who is your inspiration? What inspires you, in general, and, of course in this frame,  to create this important  glossary?

Yuliia: I am inspired but also heartbroken by the persistent resistance against erasure through generations in Ukraine. We witnessed how Ukrainian culture, writers, and artists are often targets for Russian occupying forces. The feeling that I have is more complex than simply an inspiration; it has a bitter undertone to it. I would indicate this feeling as mourning. I guess when you ask about inspiration what you really mean is urgency. What drives you to do this type of work? And a sense of urgency is really what pushed us to create this project. Because we’ve witnessed how the absence of our voices and histories in public imagination in the West is complicit with the events that led to this War. And we are confronted by the knowledge hierarchies on a regular basis in our day to day work as scholars and artists. The so-called West turns out not to be ready for the narrative disruption, clinging to the old familiar narratives.

Also, I owe a great deal of inspiration to the work of exceptional thinkers like Gloria Wekker and Nancy Jouwe, Annette Kraus, Maria Hlavajova, Rolando Vasquez, and Patricija Kaershoot that I got to know during my stay in the Netherlands. Empires enact violence in similar ways, and through the practices of these exceptional thinkers I was able to better relate to and understand my own positioning. 

Anastasiia: The thinkers and scholars I mentioned before not only inspired this project, but they carved space for it. In terms of format, we were really inspired by projects that aim to make complex theories and concepts accessible. One of such projects is a glossary by Past/Future Art – an expanding collection of concepts and terms used in work with the past and collective memory. Apart from the glossary, this platform, with many curators from Odessa, does a lot of critical and impressive work.

Sandra: Lastly, because it always interests me what brilliant minds are reading, what is on your current literature list?

Anastasiia: I am now working on a publication about myths of Ukrainian matriarchy, so I am captivated by Ukrainian female authors of the 20th century. Currently, I’m reading the short story “THEFT” by Iryna Vilde. I’ve also finally gotten a grasp on “Minor Detail” by Adania Shibli. I’m trying to finish this beautifully written book, but honestly, it’s challenging given the current events both at home and in the setting of the book.

Yuliia: I recently discovered for myself the graphic novels by Lynda Barry “What it is”. Her storytelling, how she combines images with text was truly inspirational. Recently, I started reading “I See You Are Interested in Darkness” by Illarion Pavliuk, as it came highly recommended by many friends.

Sandra: Thank you all for this very insightful, honest, and enriching conversation. I’m looking forward to seeing the Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary grow.

Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary Team:

Yuliia Elyas is an artist, activist and writer. Yuliia studied at the Gerrit Rietveld Academy, Amsterdam and obtained a master’s degree at the Hogeschool voor de Kunsten Utrecht. She is involved as a consultant in considering the positioning of Ukrainian materials in the museum archives of the Netherlands. Currently, she is a participant of the residency within the fellowship program BAK Сell for situated practices.

Iva Naidenko is a Ukrainian artist, curator, head of the Ksi Prostir organization, which works with young Ukrainian artists and promotes the presentation of Ukrainian art abroad. Has a higher education in the field of art and architecture, has been curating art projects since 2014. The focus of Iva’s interests are experimental projects and work with communities.

Anastasiia Omelianiuk is a researcher and anthropologist. She explores the milieu of Ukrainian activists and studies issues of civil society, gender, and nationalism through the lens of decolonial and postcolonial theories. She has extensive experience teaching anthropology at VU Amsterdam and is the coordinator of the research team of the Ukrainian-Dutch non-profit organization “Opora Foundation”.

Nadiia Koval is the co-founder of Ksi Prostir. She has a higher education in the field of architecture and extensive work experience as a manager and curator of cultural and artistic projects within the Ksi Prostir team.

Ukrainian Decolonial Glossary is supported by the European Union under the House of Europe programme.

in conversation with:

Sandra Teitge is a curator and cultural producer born in East Berlin in the 1980s. She organizes exhibitions and programs at the intersection of contemporary art, music, architecture and design, often in urban and commercial spaces. Sandra is especially interested in solo and collective feminist, class-critical, and other minority practices and narratives, which question and challenge the past, present, and future status quo. Her recent curatorial projects include the Art Prize Neukölln 2024, the Gallery Weekend Festival 2023, and the pilot year 2021/22 at CCA Berlin – Center for Contemporary Arts. Together with A. Lückenkemper, Sandra co-curates the feminist platform gossip, as well as the biannual public art festival Art in the Underground as one of four curators. In 2018/19 Sandra was director of the Goethe Pop Up Minneapolis Goethe in the Skyways; in 2014, she founded the residency program FD13 in Saint Paul, MN/U.S., which now runs independently of her. Sandra studied art and visual history (MA) at the Humboldt University and the Berlin University of the Arts, as well as Media Studies and French (BA) at the University of Sussex in Brighton, UK, and at the Nouvelle Sorbonne in Paris, France.

Images, from top to bottom: Yulia Ellyas (photo credit: Lin Chun Yao), Sandra Teitge (photo credit: Silke Briel), Anastasiia Omelianiuk